Wednesday, July 11, 2012

The real question


The bitch is back

Nowadays this is a common phrase you can listen while walking in the streets, stalking people on facebook and hanging out with your friends. As you might have guessed, I am speaking of the victory of Enrique Peña Nieto over López Obrador and Josefina Vázquez Mota. The margin was not as wide as most pollsters had predicted: EPN got 38.21 %, AMLO 31.59% and JVM 25.41 %. Mitofsky and Milenio’s polls expected a double-digit margin over the second place. The elections of the Senate and the Deputies showed similar results. However PAN came second in the former and fared better in the latter’s election.

I was not quite surprise by the results. Working in the Chamber of Deputies and having access to different polls, I was expecting a difference of around 8 percent; instead it was just 6.7 percent. Also I have to admit I was not shocked by the attitude of the defeated candidate AMLO, who denounced (again) the election.

AMLO also asked a full recount of the ballot boxes. More than half were recounted, and paradoxically this process gave Peña Nieto 147 thousand extra votes. In contrast, AMLO and Josefina just got 18 and 88 thousand more votes respectively.

What surprised me the most about this particular election is how AMLO was able to capture the vote of the young people. It is clear that there is a negative correlation between “radicalness” and age, the younger you are the likelier you are going to vote for leftist options. However, AMLO’s proposals were everything but modern. Moreover he was compared to former populist ex-presidents like Echeverría (from 1970-1976) and López Portillo (from 1976-1982), obviously PRI ex-presidents.

Most people cannot see the similarities between AMLO and the “revolutionary” PRI politicians, but those become evident once he actively supported Manuel Bartlett’s (yes, he’s the one who “rigged” the election against the presidential candidate of the antecessor of PRD in 1988) candidacy for the Senate on PRD’s ticket. The opposition of both against modernizing reforms and their preference for more state intervention placed them in the field of nationalists, who were displaced by the neoliberals since 1982; the year in which the “Scientifics” took over the PRI.

Another thing that resembles to the nationalist (and economically irresponsible) PRI is his proposal of eliminating university admission tests, his opposition to labor and energy reforms and his illogical budget cuts. This proposals made him a candidate stuck in the past and obssesed with populist measures which would put the country backwards. Paradoxically his campaign motto was “vote for the real change”. Who was going to predict that clearly outdated proposals were going to be considered “progressive” these days? One more thing is his attitude towards democracy: when he wins, it is a victory of the people, but when he loses it is because of the elite’s intromission and their fraudulent elections.

To me the fact that young people are so infatuated by these unrealistic promises, and also their saying that the rest of the Mexicans are stupid for not voting for AMLO is the real question. Mexico is clearly not a democratic country, but not because the PRI won, as some leftist are saying, but because people do not trust institutions, but the word of contradictory caudillos.